Schlenker, Philippe: 2013,
“Iconic Features”. Manuscript, Institut Jean-Nicod and New York
University
[Full
paper at LingBuzz]
Abstract: Sign languages
are known to display the same general grammatical properties as spoken
languages ('Universal Grammar'), but also to make greater use of iconic
mechanisms. In Schlenker et al., to appear, it was argued that
loci (= positions in signing space corresponding to discourse
referents) can have an iconic semantics, in the sense that certain
geometric relations among loci (subset and relative complementation, as
well as high/low position relative to the signer) are preserved by the
interpretation function. Here we ask whether plural and height
specifications of loci display the formal behavior of phi-features in remaining
uninterpreted in focus- and ellipsis-constructions (as in the bound
readings of Mary admires herself,
and John does too, and of Only Mary admires herself). Data
from ASL and LSF show that plural and height specifications may indeed
remain uninterpreted in these constructions; furthermore, there are
cases in which a single high locus is construed iconically and left
uninterpreted in the course of ellipsis resolution. We argue that our
data are compatible with two theories. According to the Strong View,
plural and height specifications of loci display exactly the behavior
of spoken language features. According to the Weak View, our data just
show that plural and height specifications share the behavior of
features and other non-assertive elements in being separable from the
referential terms they specify. Our LSF data are compatible with the
Weak View; our ASL might provide support for the Strong View. While we
only aim to open the debate about the featural status of iconic
specifications, the question is of some importance: if features are
innate and primitive elements of grammar, and if some of them have an
intrinsically geometric semantics, the signed modality might play a
greater role than is usually thought at the very core of Universal
Grammar.