Schlenker, Philippe. 2005. "Non-Redundancy: Towards A Semantic Reinterpretation of Binding Theory" (not the final version; the final version appeared in  Natural Language Semantics 13, 1: 1-92, 2005)

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Abstract:  In generative grammar, Binding Theory is traditionally considered a part of syntax, in the sense that some derivations that would otherwise be interpretable are ruled out by purely formal principles. Thus 'Johni likes himi' would  in standard semantic theories yield a perfectly acceptable interpretation; it is only because of Condition B that the sentence is deviant on its coreferential reading. We explore an alternative in which some binding-theoretic principles (esp. Condition C, Condition B, a modified version of the Locality of Variable Binding argued for in Kehler 1993 and Fox 2000, and Weak and Strong Crossover) follow from the interpretive procedure - albeit a somewhat non-standard one. In a nutshell, these principles are taken to reflect the way in which sequences of evaluation are constructed in the course of the interpretation of a sentence. The bulk of the work is done by a principle of Non-Redundancy, which prevents any object from appearing twice in any given sequence of evaluation. The analysis includes an account of anaphora with split antecedents and disjoint reference effects.